Make no mistake: We do not want to keep
our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is
agonising for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and
politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring
every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there
were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to
kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the
case.

 

That's why we're partnering with a
coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs involved, America's
commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these
extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people
of different faiths more than any other, they have killed Muslims.
Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the
progress of nations, and with Islam.

The Holy Quran teaches
that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind;
and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The
enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the
narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating
violent extremism it is an important part of promoting peace. We also
know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in
Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion
each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build
schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions
to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing
more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and
deliver services that people depend upon.

 

עיראק - מלחמת ברירה

Let me also address
the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that
provoked strong differences in my country and around the world.
Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off
without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in
Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build
international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.
Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope
that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we
use our power the greater it will be."

 

Today, America has a dual
responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future - and to leave Iraq
to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no
bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty
is its own.

 

That is why I ordered the removal of
our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honour our
agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove
combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops
from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its security forces and
develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a
partner, and never as a patron.

 

And finally, just as America can never
tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles.
9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it
provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act
contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change
course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the
United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed
by early next year.

 

So America will defend itself
respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we
will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also
threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in
Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.

הסכסוך היהודי פלסטיני

 

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.

 

America's strong bonds with Israel are
well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and
historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish
homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.

Around
the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and
anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.
Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps
where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the
Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed more than the entire Jewish
population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant,
and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction or repeating vile
stereotypes about Jews is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the
minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the
peace that the people of this region deserve.

 

On the other hand, it is also
undeniable that the Palestinian people, Muslims and Christians, have
suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they have
endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West
Bank, Gaza, and neighbouring lands for a life of peace and security
that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily
humiliations large and small that come with occupation. So let there be
no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable.
America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian
aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.

 

For decades, there has been a
stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful
history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers for
Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding,
and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks
throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But
if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will
be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of
both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and
Palestinians each live in peace and security.

 

That is in Israel's interest,
Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.
That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the
patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have
agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time
for them and all of us to live up to our responsibilities.

 

Palestinians must abandon violence.
Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed.
For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as
slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that
won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence
upon the ideals at the centre of America's founding.

 

This same story can be told by people
from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's
a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign
of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or
to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is
claimed; that is how it is surrendered. Now is the time for
Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority
must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the
needs of its people.

 

Hamas does have support among some
Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in
fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian
people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognise past agreements,
and recognise Israel's right to exist.

 

At the same time, Israelis must
acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied,
neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the
legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates
previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time
for these settlements to stop.

Israel must also live up to its
obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop
their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the
continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's
security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West
Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be
part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable
such progress.

 

Finally, the Arab states must recognise
that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the
end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no
longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other
problems.

Instead, it must be a cause for action
to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will
sustain their state; to recognise Israel's legitimacy; and to choose
progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.

 

America will align our policies with
those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to
Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But
privately, many Muslims recognise that Israel will not go away.
Likewise, many Israelis recognise the need for a Palestinian state. It
is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.

Too
many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a
responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and
Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy
Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it
to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and
Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham
to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses,
Jesus, and Muhammad (peace be upon them) joined in prayer.

איראן והסוגיה הגרעינית

 

The third source of tension is our
shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on
nuclear weapons. This issue has been a source of tension between the
United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran
has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there
is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold
War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a
democratically elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic
Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and
violence against US troops and civilians.

 

This history is well known. Rather than
remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and
people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now,
is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.

It will be hard to overcome decades of
mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve.
There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we
are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of
mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to
nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply
about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race
in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a
hugely dangerous path.

 

I understand those who protest that
some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should
pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I
strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no
nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation - including Iran - should
have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its
responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That
commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all
who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the
region can share in this goal.

המאבק לדמוקרטיה בעולם הערבי

 

The fourth issue that I will address is
democracy. I know there has been controversy about the promotion of
democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to
the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or
should be imposed upon one nation by any other.

 

That does not lessen my commitment,
however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each
nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the
traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is
best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of
a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people
yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say
in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal
administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't
steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not
just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will
support them everywhere.

 

There is no straight line to realise
this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these
rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing
ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right
of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world,
even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected,
peaceful governments provided they govern with respect for all their
people.

 

This last point is important because
there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of
power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of
others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by
the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must
maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the
rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and
compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the
legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without
these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.

 

חופש הדת

The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.

 

Islam has a proud tradition of
tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the
Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout
Christians worshipped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That
is the spirit we need today.

 

People in every country should be free
to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind,
heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive,
but it is being challenged in many different ways.

 

Among some Muslims, there is a
disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of
another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld whether
it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And faultlines
must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni
and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.

 

Freedom of religion is central to the
ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in
which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on
charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfil their
religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with
American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfil zakat.

 

Likewise, it is important for Western
countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as
they see fit for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman
should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind
the pretence of liberalism. Indeed, faith should bring us together.
That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring
together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts
like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's
leadership in the Alliance of Civilisations. Around the world, we can
turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead
to action whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing
relief after a natural disaster.

זכויות האשה

 

The sixth issue that I want to address
is women's rights. I know there is debate about this issue. I reject
the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair
is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an
education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries
where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.

 

Now let me be clear: issues of women's
equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey,
Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority
countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's
equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries
around the world.

 

Our daughters can contribute just as
much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced
by allowing all humanity, men and women, to reach their full potential.
I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order
to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives
in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the
United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support
expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment
through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.

 

Finally, I want to discuss economic
development and opportunity. I know that for many, the face of
globalisation is contradictory. The internet and television can bring
knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless
violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge
disruptions and changing communities. In all nations, including my own,
this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose
control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly
our identities - those things we most cherish about our communities,
our families, our traditions, and our faith.

 

But I also know that human progress
cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development
and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their
economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the
astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur
to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have
been at the forefront of innovation and education.

הצעות לשיפור 

 

This is important because no
development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the
ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.
Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and
some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us
must recognise that education and innovation will be the currency of
the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains
under-investment in these areas. I am emphasising such investments
within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and
gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.

 

On education, we will expand exchange
programmes, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my
father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim
communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with
internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and
children around the world; and create a new online network, so a
teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business
volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries.
And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how
we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social
entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the
world.

 

On science and technology, we will
launch a new fund to support technological development in
Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the
marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centres of scientific
excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint
new Science Envoys to collaborate on programmes that develop new
sources of energy, create green jobs, digitise records, clean water,
and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with
the Organisation of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we
will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child
and maternal health. 

 

All these things must be done in
partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments;
community organisations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim
communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.

 

The issues that I have described will
not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together
on behalf of the world we seek - a world where extremists no longer
threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where
Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and
nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments
serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are
respected. Those are mutual interests.

 

That is the world we seek. But we can
only achieve it together. I know there are many, Muslim and non-Muslim,
who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to
stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some
suggest that it isn't worth the effort that we are fated to disagree,
and civilisations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply sceptical
that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust.
But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward.
And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in
every country, you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this
world. All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time.

 

The question is whether we spend that
time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to
an effort, a sustained effort, to find common ground, to focus on the
future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all
human beings.

 

It is easier to start wars than to end
them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is
different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should
choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule
that lies at the heart of every religion that we do unto others as we
would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples a
belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't
Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of
civilisation, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a
faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.

 

We have the power to make the world we
seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping
in mind what has been written.

 

The Holy Quran tells us, "O mankind! We
have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations
and tribes so that you may know one another." The Talmud tells us: "The
whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."

The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are
the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." The people of
the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision.
Now, that must be our work here on Earth.

 

Thank you and may God's peace be upon you.